By SUHRID SANKAR CHATTOPADHYAY
FRONTLINE, Volume 29 - Issue 17:: Aug.
25-Sep. 07, 2012
Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s absolute
intolerance of criticism resurfaces with the arrest of a farmer.
Mamata Banerjee. Her apparent paranoia
has made her overdependent on the police.
West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has
made it very clear that she will not tolerate dissent, criticism and jokes
against her government and that police action will be initiated against her
critics. First came the arrest of a professor who forwarded an innocuous
cartoon of her by e-mail; then came the branding of a college student who asked
her an uncomfortable question on a private television channel’s chat show as a
Maoist; and now an indigent farmer has been detained for voicing his grievances
to the Chief Minister at a public meeting.
All Shiladitya Chowdhury, a farmer from Binpur,
did was to point out to Mamata Banerjee at a rally at Belpahari in Pashchim
Medinipur district that the rise in fertilizer prices was ruining farmers. But
that was enough for the angry Chief Minister to label him a “Maoist” and have
him arrested under non-bailable sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC).
On August 8, like thousands of others in the
region, Shiladitya had gone to attend Mamata Banerjee’s rally at Belpahari. The
area was until recently a known Maoist belt, and so the Chief Minister’s rally
was taking place amid heavy security. Shiladitya, who was sitting in the front
row beyond the security cordon, got up in between and loudly said that farmers
were dying and were not getting proper prices for their produce, that
fertilizer prices were increasing, and that the government was not doing enough
to redress farmers’ grievances.
Mamata Banerjee reacted aggressively, pointing
him out in the crowd and ordering the police to catch him. As he was being led
away, she referred to him as a Maoist who had sneaked into the rally ground to
create disturbance. Upon questioning Shiladitya, the police found that he had
no links with the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist) and allowed him to
return home. But later, the Jhargram Superintendent of Police, Bharati Ghosh,
reportedly claimed that Shiladitya had “escaped” before the interrogation was completed
– a feat that is difficult if not impossible given the heavy security at the
venue.
After his “escape”, Shiladitya went straight
home to Nayagram, but the police waited two whole days before picking him up
again on the night of August 10. This time he was arrested under Sections 332
(voluntarily causing hurt to deter public servant from his duty, a non-bailable
offence), 353 (assault or use of criminal force to deter public servant from
discharge of his duty, non-bailable), 447 (criminal trespass, bailable) and 506
(criminal intimidation, bailable). The following morning he was produced before
a district court and remanded in judicial custody for 14 days.
The arrest raised a storm of protest from a
cross section of the media and civil society. Political parties, both allies of
the Trinamool Congress and those in the opposition, spoke out in one voice
against the arrest. Communist Party of India (Marxist) Member of Parliament
Nilotpal Basu said the arrest was tantamount to “autocracy” while West Bengal
Pradesh Congress Committee general secretary Om Prakash Mishra called it a
“bizarre case of heightened intolerance”.
Ambikesh Mahapatra, the Jadavpur
University professor who was arrested in the cartoon case. The West Bengal
Human Rights Commission has recommended that the State government compensate
him.
The strongest criticism came from an unexpected
source – Chairman of the Press Council of India and former Supreme Court judge
Markandey Katju, who had, months earlier, showered praise on Mamata Banerjee
for her integrity and uprightness. “Her action is most undemocratic, to say the
least. I had earlier given a statement in favour of Mamata Banerjee…. But now I
have changed my opinion and believe she is totally undeserving to be a
political leader in a democratic country like India…,” he reportedly said. He
also warned officials carrying out her orders that they could face a situation
similar to those sentenced in the Nuremberg trials.
Even in her days in the opposition when she was
heading the violent agitation in Singur that led to the departure of Tata
Motors’ small car project from the State, she reacted angrily to any question
she perceived to be critical of her movement. The term “Tata’s agent” was
attributed to anyone asking her an uncomfortable question. But after assuming
charge as the Chief Minister of West Bengal in 2011, her threshold for
tolerance of any perceived criticism has been diminishing at an alarming rate.
Apart from Ambikesh Mahapatra, a Jadavpur
University professor of chemistry, Subrata Sengupta, septuagenarian retired
engineer, was arrested for forwarding by e-mail a month-old cartoon relating to
Mamata Banerjee’s insistence on removing the then Union Railway Minister,
Dinesh Trivedi, from the Cabinet and replacing him with present Railway
Minister, Mukul Roy. Her branding of young students who asked her uncomfortable
questions on a television chat show as “Maoists” came a month later. As she
stormed off the set, she asked the police to take photographs of those who had
posed difficult questions to her.
There are many who feel that Mamata Banerjee
appears to be constantly looking over her shoulder for unseen enemies. This
apparent paranoia, say others, perhaps explains her overdependence on the
police. “Apart from the intolerance and undue haste that characterises the
present government so far, there appears to be a more-than-necessary dependence
on the police. This may be harmful in the long run for any democratic polity,”
a senior government official told Frontline. Despite all the criticism, the
Mamata Banerjee government has remained unapologetic. On each occasion she and
her party leaders defiantly justify their stance, no matter how illogical their
justifications may appear.
In the cartoon case, the government and the
party’s interpretations of the innocuous mail ranged from being “lewd and
obscene” to indicating a sinister plot to kill Mamata Banerjee. The farmer’s
voicing of his grievances was interpreted as a dangerous bid to breach security
and cause mayhem. Mukul Roy, who was present at that meeting, claimed that
Shiladitya was drunk and pushed the police personnel and women around him,
although video recordings of the incident show no evidence of such action.
Shiladitya, who hails from a family of policemen, had been selected for a
training programme at the Central Reserve Police Force camp at Binpur.
As with the previous incidents, this time, too,
the Trinamool leaders’ excuses serve only to diminish the credibility of the
ruling party. “It is not what he said but how he said it that was offensive,” a
Trinamool Congress source told Frontline.
HRC Report
In a development that has caused much
embarrassment to the State government, the West Bengal Human Rights
Commission’s report on the cartoon incident has recommended that the State
government compensate both Mahapatra and Sengupta by paying them Rs.50,000 each
for the manner in which they were arrested and detained and take action against
the policemen responsible for the arrest. The report states: “Citizens who are
expressing or airing a critical opinion about the ruling party cannot be picked
up from their residence by the police at the instance of an agitated mob whose
members are unhappy with the critical views of those two persons. If this is
allowed to continue, then not only the human rights of the dissenters will
perish but free speech, which is the life blood of our democracy, will be
gagged. Constitutional provisions will be reduced to parchment promises and we
will be heading towards a totalitarian regime in complete negation of
democratic values….” The Commission also made it clear that “no one can
attribute even remotely any suggestion which is lewd or indecent and slang” in
respect of the cartoon that was forwarded.
Though it is not binding upon the State
government to follow the recommendations, according to political analysts,
governments normally abide by such suggestions. What remains to be seen is
whether the present report will prompt the Mamata Banerjee government to avoid
such embarrassments in the future.
Reign of intolerance
By SUHRID SANKAR CHATTOPADHYAY
FRONTLINE, Volume 29 - Issue 09 :: May.
05-18, 2012
Mamata Banerjee's eleven months in power in West
Bengal have been marked by actions that undermine democracy.
PEOPLE wonder if
this is the "poriborton", or change, she promised.
IN West Bengal, Didi, or Big Sister, is watching
you. As such, one should be extra careful about what one says in public or in
private and be doubly cautious about forwarding or sharing jokes through e-mail
or on social media.
Ambikesh Mahapatra, a professor of chemistry at
Jadavpur University, learnt this the hard way by spending 16 hours in police
custody. He forwarded an innocuous joke on Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee,
affectionately known as Didi, though e-mail. Mahapatra's travails have taught
the people of West Bengal a valuable lesson: if they wish to stay out of
trouble, they better laugh at only what Didi and her government say is funny.
It would also serve the people of West Bengal better to read only those
newspapers Didi and her government choose for them; watch only those television
channels that Didi approves of; and, most importantly, believe only what Didi
and her government tell them, for all else are lies and conspiracies.
When Mamata Banerjee promised poriborton (change
in Bengali) in the State and tied up with the Congress and toppled the
34-year-old Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front government in the
Assembly elections in 2011, many people perhaps did not understand what she
fully meant. But in less than a year's time, most of the confusion they may
have had about the kind of poriborton they were promised has certainly cleared.
After all, in just 10 months Mamata Banerjee herself claimed that 90 per cent
of the work she had set out to do had been finished and that she had completed
10 years' work in 10 months.
On top of the many promises and assurances that
she made in the run-up to the Assembly elections was “restoring democracy”.
However, less than a year later, it has turned out to be a change of a
different flavour – one that people are finding a little unpalatable. From
forbidding government-funded libraries to subscribe to major national and
regional newspapers to detaining human rights activists, the State government
has been displaying signs of an attitude not quite compatible with democratic
norms. But it is the arrest of the professor that has brought to the fore the
darkest and most sinister nature of the intimidation of civil society, which
even the most dedicated Trinamool Congress supporters in the urban middle class
have found difficult to approve of.
On April 12, Ambikesh Mahapatra was arrested by
the police for forwarding a cartoon strip relating to the Chief Minister's
insistence on removing Trinamool leader and Union Railway Minister Dinesh
Trivedi from the Cabinet and replacing him with Mukul Roy, another Trinamool
Member of Parliament. The joke was a spoof on Satyajit Ray's famous film Sonar
Kella (Golden Fortress) and lifted certain dialogues from the film and applied
them to the recent political developments surrounding the Railway Ministry. The
cartoon was forwarded from the official e-mail id of the housing society where
Mahapatra stays.
Around 12-40 a.m., the police arrested Mahapatra
and Subrata Sengupta, the septuagenarian secretary of the housing society and a
retired engineer of the Public Works Department, on charges of outraging the
modesty of a woman, defamation and hacking (using the Internet to spread
defamatory messages). Before being handed over to the police, Mahapatra was
allegedly beaten up by suspected Trinamool workers who, the professor claimed,
forced him to sign a statement that he was a supporter of the CPI(M). While he
was kept in police custody for 16 hours before being produced in court, four of
his assailants, including a local Trinamool leader, who were later arrested,
were released on bail after two and a half hours.
Speaking to the media after his release,
Mahapatra said, “I do not regret forwarding the mail. It was done in good
humour only.” The real reason for the whole incident, it became clear later,
was rivalry between Mahapatra and a group of Trinamool Congress-backed building
material suppliers who had apparently been trying to seize control of the board
of directors of the housing society.
Even as cries of alarm arose from sections of
Mamata Banerjee's most ardent middle-class supporters at this brazen display of
intolerance, the Chief Minister and her government remained unapologetic.
Mamata Banerjee, who was touring the districts at the time, went into her usual
defensive mode. As has become her wont, she hinted at a conspiracy by the
CPI(M) and sections of the media, her latest bete noire.
“If someone commits some mischief, what will the
police do? Will they not arrest him? And then the CPI(M)'s two news channels
and some of the newspapers will start a slander campaign against us,” she said
at a function in Durgapur. Back in Kolkata, some of her Ministers defended the
arrest, even as academics, intellectuals and ordinary citizens took to the
streets in protest. Many of them had attended rallies and public meetings of
Mamata Banerjee. She was grateful for their support then, today she does not
seem to care for their opinion. “It is only the white-collar urban people who
are protesting,” a senior Trinamool leader told Frontline, insisting that the
e-mail was demeaning though he could not explain how. It appears nobody can
explain, without stretching the bounds of credibility, how the joke can be
construed as offensive. The eminent academic Sukanta Chaudhuri of Jadavpur
University said, “If this could lead to such consequences, then who is safe?
Any normal activity that we carry out might bring retribution, or be a pretext
for retribution, as the actual cause seems to lie in the affairs of his
[Mahapatra's] housing society.”
Leader of the Opposition and CPI(M) Polit Bureau
member Surya Kanta Mishra said that such a measure was “laughable and
childish”. Even the Trinamool's ally, the Congress, condemned the incident.
Pradesh Congress president Pradip Bhattacharya called it an “assault on the
political culture of Bengal”. Intellectuals such as Sunanda Sanyal, once
identified closely with Mamata Banerjee's programme of poriborton, have
expressed dismay and even disgust at the whole incident. “We have perhaps
reached the abyss. Nothing can be worse than this. For some time now anarchy
has taken over the State, but the arrest of the professor for forwarding the
cartoon is perhaps the last nail on the coffin,” he is reported to have said.
Mamata Banerjee has never been one to tolerate
uncomfortable questions or criticism. On her road to Writers' Buildings, the
West Bengal secretariat, her relationship with the media was “roses, roses all
the way” – barring a few short periods of animosity, like when her agitation in
Singur led to the departure of Tata Motors' small car project from the State.
When certain glaring discrepancies between what the State government was saying
and what the press was seeing, as in the case of suicides by farmers, came to
the fore, Mamata Banerjee lapsed into her defensive mode and accused those
newspapers that did not toe the State government's line of conspiring with the
insidious CPI(M).
The government made known its displeasure with
such national and regional newspapers by removing them from the list of
publications subscribed to by the 2,500-odd State libraries. The only English
newspaper on the list of the 13 papers that have been approved by the State
government is The Times of India. Influential and popular regional and national
dailies such as Anandabazaar Patrika, Bartaman, The Hindu, The Telegraph,
Hindustan Times and Indian Express have been omitted from the list. Though the
government maintained that none of the newspapers included in the list was
aligned to any political party, the editors and proprietors of three of them –
Sangbad Pratidin, Akbar E Mashriq and Sanmarg – are Trinamool Congress members
in the Rajya Sabha.
“By this, the State government clearly wanted to
send across a message to all those newspapers that have been critical of it,” a
source in the State administration said. The government, however, claimed that
it was a decision taken to promote smaller local newspapers, an argument that
did little to convince most people.
The decision came under severe criticism from
all quarters. Mahasweta Devi, noted writer and recipient of the Jnanpith Award
and the Ramon Magsaysay Award, said, “There is no way such a decision can be
supported.” Mahasweta Devi supported some of the agitations led by Mamata
Banerjee when the Left Front was in power, including the agitations in Singur
and Nandigram.
Mamata Banerjee is apparently unmoved by all the
criticism. She struck back, saying that there may come a time when she will
have to tell the people what to read as well. “We are not telling people what
to read. But the manner in which personal attacks are being made, a conspiracy
is being staged, we may just have to take the decision of telling people what
to read,” she said in an interview to select television channels. This further
exacerbated the public outcry against the arrest. A new joke, coined by the
Congress MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, started doing the rounds in the State –
“Amra harmad shoriye Unmad enechhi” (In the place of armed goons, we have
brought in loonies). No arrests have been made so far.
Even those who voted for her have found it
difficult to come to terms such intolerance. “I voted for Mamata thinking she
would make a difference. However, she has done quite a few things wrong, and we
as citizens have a duty to tell her so. All she is expected to do is to listen.
If she can't do that she has no business heading a democratically elected
government,” the writer and academic Rimi B. Chatterjee told Frontline.
Mamata Banerjee's perceived authoritarian
attitude and her government's apparent refusal to take heed of outside opinion
have affected its relationship with the Pradesh Congress. In the past 11
months, the relationship between the two allies has degenerated to the point of
a near break-up.
In yet another instance of intolerance, and this
one in less than a week after the arrest of Ambikesh Mahapatra, Food and
Supplies Minister Jyoti Priya Mallick stirred a hornet's nest with a “hate”
speech against the CPI(M). In his address to Trinamool Congress workers, he
directed his diatribe not just at CPI(M) activists but also at CPI(M)
supporters. “You should boycott the CPI(M). You must not mingle with them. If a
CPI(M) supporter invites you to a wedding or any other programme, do not go
there. Do not associate with them in any way. Do not sit beside them at social
events to have food; do not even have tea with them at the local tea stall,” he
said. His rationale for suggesting a social boycott was that maintaining
friendly relations with the CPI(M) “would weaken one's resolve to extract
revenge against them”.
Mallick's speech has not only drawn flak from
all political quarters but has shocked civil society. “Various people with
different political views live in close proximity to each other in society.
There is constant exchange of viewpoints and ideas, which is the way it should
be. This is a kind of political communalism, and such an attitude promotes
violent political hatred. He should be more responsible, particularly since he
is a Minister,” Suchetana Chattopadhyay, an assistant professor of history in
Jadavpur University, told Frontline.
TALL CLAIMS
Although Mamata has alienated a section of the
middle class and the urban youth, her mass appeal has remained intact. Huge
crowds assemble at her rallies. In what appears to be a frantic endeavour to
win the applause of the crowds, she lists, at regular intervals, all that she
has accomplished. After 10 months in government, she claimed she had completed
90 per cent of the work she had set out to do. She is the examinee, the
invigilator and the examiner rolled in one.
Many people feel that the government is
concerned more with its image than with real problems. At a time when the
“debt-stressed” West Bengal needed over Rs.23,000 crore for debt servicing
(2011-12) and the need of the hour was nothing less than a severe austerity
drive, Mamata Banerjee announced, among other things, around one lakh new jobs
in the government sector and a grant of Rs.2 lakh each to 700 local clubs.
Though this may draw applause at the rallies, the measures will further burden
the State exchequer. But then she can put pressure on the Congress, her
alliance partner at the Centre, to bail her out.
In less than a month after coming to power, the
State government passed the Singur Land Rehabilitation and Development Bill, 2011,
raising the hopes of the reluctant land losers for whose cause Mamata Banerjee
fought against the Tata small car project. The farmers had refused to collect
their compensation, putting their faith in her pledge. However, six years since
the Singur agitation started, the farmers have received nothing. Even as the
Calcutta High Court upheld the constitutional validity of the Singur Land
Rehabilitation and Development Act, the Tatas have not given up the legal
battle. Time and again the land-losing farmers have rejoiced only to have their
hopes shattered. Most of them have now begun to doubt whether Mamata Banerjee
will actually be able to return to them the land taken away for the project.
According to reports, some of them have even expressed regret at not having
collected the compensation and allowed Tata Motors to set up its factory.
Repeated inconsistencies in words and actions
have begun to affect Mamata Banerjee's credibility among a section of the
electorate. One of the most glaring examples is the way she has dealt with the
Maoists. Before coming to power, she strenuously campaigned for the withdrawal
of the security forces from Maoist-affected areas and insisted that there were
no Maoists in West Bengal. Yet, after coming to power, she has used the very
same security forces to corner the militants and has directly appealed to them
to lay down arms (thus acknowledging their existence). While it is true that
the Trinamool Congress is not the first political party to take advantage of
the presence of the Maoists and secure a strong base for itself in certain
regions, her volte-face has surprised some of her admirers.
There is a feeling among quite a few that Mamata
Banerjee's government is obsessed with inconsequential issues and glosses over
the important ones. On the one hand, it denies the fact that farmers are
killing themselves under the burden of debt. On the other, it pledges to
“convert Kolkata into London”. Fancy street lights, which consume more
electricity, adorn many parts of Kolkata, but they have not made travelling any
more comfortable. Amid much fanfare, she changed the name of West Bengal to
Pashchimbanga (which means West Bengal in Bengali) – a name already in vogue.
But it is the perception of a direct assault on
certain democratic rights of citizens that has created the biggest furore in
the State. Mamata Banerjee was not the prime mover either in the case of
Mahapatra or in the case of newspaper subscription by State libraries. But, she
did ratify the decisions apparently without thinking of the precedents they
would set.
Remember her words on the day the Assembly
election results were declared in 2011: “Our motto is to restore the democratic
situation. Here [in West Bengal] autocracy is going on. And the Marxist
government is a government for the Marxists, of the Marxists and by the
Marxists. They have politicised the administration. Our motto is to restore the
impartiality of the administration.” And remember that her government detained
the eminent scientist Partha Sarathi Ray for 10 days in prison for allegedly
participating in a demonstration seeking compensation for a group of people
evicted from their homes, and that the incident prompted intellectuals such as
Noam Chomsky and Aruna Roy to write to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to secure
his release.
