Political Repression in West Bengal Today: INTERVIEW WITH Dr. SURJYA KANTA MISHRA

The Marxist, XXXI 2, April–June 2015 

The Left movement in West Bengal – the most powerful contingent of the Left movement in India – today faces intense repression by the State Government led by the Trinamul Congress (TMC) and by the ruling classes in general. Dr. Surjya Kanta Mishra, member of the Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), holds the two crucial positions of Leader of the Opposition in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly and and Secretary of the State Committee of the CPI(M). Dr Mishra gave this interview on the state of political repression in West Bengal to Madhav Tipu Ramachandran on May 19, 2015. The interview was conducted over three hours, during a journey by car from Kolkata to Nadia. In the interview, Dr Mishra speaks on what he characterises as a three-pronged attack on democracy and the people in West Bengal, an attack whose victims go beyond the Left and Left parties; on the attack on Left forces in the State; on comparing the current repression with the period of semi-fascist terror in the State in the 1970s; and on the need and prospects for a resurgence of the Left in the State and in India.

MTR: What is the nature of political repression in West Bengal today?

SKM: The repression that we have been facing in West Bengal today, four years after the changing of the government, is a multi-pronged one. There have been three types of attack against the people of the State: first, an attack on democracy and democratic institutions; secondly, an attack on peoples’ livelihoods, and thirdly, an attack on secularism in the State.

Concurrently, there has been a concerted and violent attack on the CPI(M) and the Left Front.

MTR: What has the Left had to confront?

SKM:  Around  170  comrades  have  been  killed  during  this  period.  More  importantly,  thousands  of comrades have been brutally attacked and denied hospital treatment, their complaints have not been registered, and many of them — more than 5000 by my estimate — will be physically handicapped for the rest of their lives.

More than 1500 offices of the Party, the Left Front and mass organisations have been attacked, and either captured and converted to Trinamul Congress (TMC) offices or put under lock and key.

More than 100,000 comrades have been implicated in false cases.

Many people have been forced out of their places of residence, more than 51,000 at the last count. When people return to their places of residence after a certain period of time, say one or two years, they are not allowed to speak to anyone, not allowed to leave their houses, their mobile phones and landlines are taken away, and they are not even allowed to drop letters into a post box. They are forced to pay fines to goondas, often to the tune of several lakhs.(our estimate is that Rs 50 crores have been taken in total by means of extortion in the State)

MTR: How does the extortion take place?

SKM: The money is taken after threats and leaving no paper trail, although we do have a few documents. Where persons who have been forced to leave their home do not return, members of their families are sometimes tortured. The goons say: “Tell him (or her) to come back, live here, pay the fine; send him (or her) the message that otherwise their family will not be allowed to live here in peace.”

MTR: You described the first kind of attack as on democracy and democratic institutions.

SKM: What I have described is part of the larger attack on the forces of democracy in society.

It  is  said  that  in  parliamentary  democracy,  the  House  belongs  to  the  Opposition,  that  is,  the Opposition must take the lead in addressing issues within the Legislature. In West Bengal, we publish an account every year of how many questions we asked, how many remained unanswered, how our adjournment motions were rejected, how no time was spent on non-official discussion and non-official resolutions, how resolutions were passed solely by the Government — no one else — and how our resolutions were thrown out.

The Press Corner in the Assembly is no longer open to the Leader of Opposition when the House is not in session.

MTR: What exactly is the Press Corner?

SKM: During our time in Government, we organised that a Press Corner be opened, in order that any member of the House be able to meet the Press and discuss policies and open issues to debate. As a Government, we believed in keeping ourselves accountable to the people via the Press. We used to regularly go to the Press Corner and discuss our policies.

The  Press  Corner  usually  has  to  close  by  5  p.m.,  and  one  day,  a  few  months  after  the  new Government had come to power, an accusation was levelled against me to the effect that I had exceeded the deadline by five minutes. Although I am sure that I did not overstep the time limit, even if I had, it is hardly cause to close the Press Corner to the Leader of Opposition. They have closed down the Press Corner for three and a half years now, and whenever the Assembly is not in session, I have to arrange Press Conferences in the street outside (although I can, of course, hold them in the Party office as well). Ministers can hold press conferences in their offices, but ordinary MLAs of any political party should have the right to speak out to the press, which is why the Press Corner was built in the first place.

MTR: There have been other incidents in the Legislative Assembly.

SKM: These are manifestations of the new regime. When we moved an adjournment motion in the house for a discussion about the Sarada chit fund scam, a few of our MLAs were beaten up and injured inside the House by ruling party MLAs. The injured included a woman, Debalina Hembram, a former Minister, who was thrown between bench and desk in the Treasury benches. The other injured MLA, Gauranga Chatterjee, our State Committee member, sustained a fracture in the skull, but the government hospital to which he was admitted said that there was no injury, and refused to admit him. He was then admitted to a private hospital and the CT scan he undertook subsequently revealed his fracture clearly. Nothing further could be done about this, for if something happens within the House, the Police will not take action and so nothing was done.

Thus, even the legislature, which is said to be the place where the Government in a parliamentary democracy is accountable to the people, has failed to discharge its constitutional responsibilities.

MTR: Are these attacks directed solely at the Left?

SKM: No, the attacks that were first aimed at us are now aimed at the entire Opposition — as well as at members of the ruling party itself. I told the Chief Minister that at least 50 people of her party have been killed by her own people, and I believe they do not even have a record of them.

The historical experience is that when the attack on democracy begins, nobody is spared, not even members of the ruling party. In the chit fund case, TMC MPs and other ruling party loyalists are now being disowned or being forced to leave by the party as its leaders believe that these people may have divulged sensitive information to the CPI(M), or to the courts or police.

MTR: What about other democratic institutions?

SKM: All of them are under considerable pressure. The local bodies and all the authority they had are under attack. Elections are rigged, people outside the ruling party are not allowed to submit nominations, and even if they do manage to submit them, are then forced to withdraw their candidatures. Co-operatives are  similarly  besieged  (have  been  “captured”)  –  no  elections  are  held,  and  they  are  run  by “administrators.” There is no campus democracy for students or teachers. Student elections are under attack, and the right of students to form unions denied. The right of workers to strike has been taken away.

Other democratic organisations, such as the constitutional bodies, are under attack. There is no Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission (HRC), because when the Commission delivered certain judgements  or  recommendations  unpalatable  to  the  government,  they  found  a  way  to  remove  its Chairman. Thereafter, they appointed the former Director General to the HRC, an appointment that I opposed as a member of the Selection Committee. I stated that never has a police officer with several human rights violations sub judice been appointed to a Human Rights Commission. He now acts as de facto Chairman of the Commission – which is a reflection the state of human rights in our State.

The State Election Commission has not been spared either, as the government’s war with the State Election Commission on the issue of holding panchayat elections showed. A Sessions Court judge has had to come to us for safety and security, which shows that there are members of the judiciary who are under personal threat. The Central Bureau of Investigation has had to ask the High Court to transfer the case out of Alipore court, since they did not expect justice from the Alipore court.

MTR: You described the second kind of attack as being one on people’s livelhoods.

SKM: People are denied wages after working on the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, denied work when funds are available, and sometimes denied employment on the basis of political loyalty, anyone but a supporter of the ruling party being unacceptable for employment. Wages are sometimes withheld for six months or even a year, thus violating the terms of the law.

Farmers are not paid the procurement prices declared by the Government, and mechanisms for output procurement are not in place. The agrarian situation is deteriorating every day. There have been farmer suicides in West Bengal, as had not occurred in the 34 years of Left Front rule preceding the period in power of this Government.

MTR: Are the issues of livelihoods singularly issues of rural areas?

SKM: No, in recent times, the industrial sphere has been characterised by closures in traditional sectors (for example in the tea and jute industries) and in other sectors, and by a failure to start new industries. People are thrown out of employment because factories are being closed and because of the hooliganism of the ruling party in the factory sector. Today’s newspaper says that the Chief Minister has announced that seven jute factories are to reopen. These mills had become unviable and unable to function because hooligans of the ruling party had demanded ever greater amounts of money as extortion. The Chief Minister has ultimately had to ask them to see that the factories reopen. A temporary change in the situation does not, however, reflect what is happening every day everywhere else; her words in this case are nothing more than lip service, with nothing actually changing in the field.

Members of the business community have begun to complain that they are unable to run businesses because they have to pay this ‘extortion fee’. The insurance scheme that we introduced while in Government has not been implemented properly. The Government is not paying the premium amount to which it is committed, and a sum of to Rs 69-70 crores has been left unpaid by the government in the last four years (a substantial proportion of this relates to crop insurance). Government employees and teachers have not been paid their dearness allowance; up to 48 per cent — a proportion almost unheard of — of their wages remain unpaid, and the failure to pay wages now affects around a million people.

MTR: You described the “third prong” of the attack as being on secularism.

SKM: There has never been any serious incident of communal tension in this State since Partition. During the 34 years of Left Front rule, whenever there was communal tension in the country, the army was swiftly deployed and political steps were taken to ensure that such tension did not flare up in the State.

For example, when anti-Sikh riots swept the country after Indira Gandhi’s death, not a single case was registered in West Bengal. Similarly, after the Babri Masjid incident, the firm secular stance of the government prevented communal violence here in West Bengal. Our political ability and the mobilisation of people ideologically and organisationally against communal violence made sure communal forces were unable to raise their swords.

A dangerous situation is now developing in the State, with the ruling party at the Centre taking the Hindutva line and the ruling party in the State giving shelter to Jama’atul Mujahideen fundamentalists from the other side of the border. The government in Bangladesh is in pursuit of them and they find protection here under the ruling party and its administration. With respect to the incidents at Khagragarh, subsequent to the investigation carried out by the intelligence agencies, the political people who sheltered the guilty have not been apprehended; in fact, the administration has gone into denial mode and has destroyed evidence of the blast in Khagragarh. No one in the ruling party has been booked. There is a tacit understanding between the two ruling parties, with the ruling party at the Centre and the ruling party in the State taking opposite sides, thus further polarising the two communities. It is one of the greatest dangers of the present time that, in a State that had not seen political parties taking the side of this or that community for so long, the left and democratic and secular forces are attempting to be made irrelevant, and that the people are being divided along communal lines. Even during the semi-fascist terror of the 1970s or during the days of the Emergency, this sort of communal tension was never seen in West Bengal.

MTR: How would you characterise the differences between the present situation and the semi-fascist terror in West Bengal in the 1970s?

SKM: There are many differences between the two periods of political repression. The 1970s were a different time, the situations at the State, national, and international levels were different — and history does not repeat itself. The attack then came at a time when the CPI(M) and associated Left Parties were growing very fast. In terms of electoral performance, we had 40+ Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) in 1967, 80+ MLAs in 1969, and 110+ MLAs in 1971. It was a fast growing force that came under sharp attack during the semifascist terror, notwithstanding the rigged 1972 elections. After 1972, we boycotted the State legislature for five years, a period during which we depended solely on extra- parliamentary activities. We won only 14 seats after that election, down from around 114; the election of 1972 was an one that made the term “rigging” enter the political lexicon in a new way. When elections were held in 1977, the Left Front achieved a majority of almost two-thirds; it had great popular support, and remained in power for 34 years, its share of the popular vote always remaing between 40 and 50 per cent. In the 2009 and 2011 elections, we saw a definite decline in the Left vote-share. The elections of 2009 and 2011 were not rigged as were the elections of 1972. These two elections gave the popular mandate to the ruling party; in other words, we were not, in 2009 and 2011, a growing party as we had been in the 1970s.

MTR: Are there other differences? What about the number and method of deaths? Are they similar?

SKM: The number of casualties now is not comparable to the number in those years since the nature of the attack has changed: more attacks, fewer deaths, more handicapping injuries than fatalities — a change, therefore, in the tactics of attack. The attack is also much more extensive or widespread than in the 1970s. The semifascist terror was concentrated in urban areas in a few districts and in certain select rural areas. The current political repression is mostly in rural areas and covers all districts barring one or two, more repression though in a different form.

The international contexts are also different. The Vietnam war ultimately succeeded, all of South Vietnam and Saigon were taken over by the National Liberation Front, and the socialist camp and the international community had not been overwhelmed by imperialism as they have been now. That was the time of the Bangladesh liberation movement, and the Indo-Soviet Treaty signed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi brought a certain unity to the fight in Bangladesh.

MTR: And you mentioned the issue of the State’s secular fabric.

SKM: Yes, in spite of the attacks of the democracy, communal forces did not gain ground. In Bengal, the entire people were united behind the liberation forces in Bangladesh, irrespective of which side of the border they were on. Whether a person was Hindu or Muslim, the shared the opinion that the Razakars were the enemies of the people. The situation has changed. The erstwhile Razakars, now part of the fundamentalist forces, are crossing over and being provided shelter on this side of the border.

MTR: What are the tasks – the battles — that confront a new political generation today?

SKM: It is a new experience that the present generation is going through, and an important one. Our generation had the experience of fighting semi-fascist terror and working during the Emergency. The young today must gain experience in fighting in the new global situation and the new correlation of world forces in favour of imperialism, of confronting globalisation and neoliberalism and their impact on national policies, identity politics, and reactionary post-modernist philosophies that are being propagated on a global scale. There is thus a great change in the situation — our generation did not have the experience of confronting these challenges simultaneously. The younger generation faces a multi-pronged challenge, difficult and complicated at every level, globally, nationally and in individual States. I believe they will gain more experience than we did during our lifetimes.

MTR: And what, in that context, are the prospects for a resurgence of the Left?

SKM: I shall not go into the global dimensions of this question, although the fundamental objective of establishing a socialist and democratic order in the country is associated with the international situation and what other countries are going through — and there is much need to learn from each other’s experiences. I believe that there are objective conditions for a successful resurgence of the Left, whether globally or in the State of West Bengal.

MTR: What would you say about West Bengal in particular?

SKM: We first noticed the erosion in our support base after the panchayat elections of 2008 (that is, even before the Lok Sabha elections of 2009). In spite of the changes that have taken place in elections thereafter, we believe that there has been no fundamental change in the correlation of the forces in the State since then. Notwithstanding some erosion, the ruling party continues to have majority support in terms of its popular base. Now they have taken to force, and are rigging the elections to distort the actual correlation of votes in the State out of the fear that if there is a free and fair election, their vote share will decline substantially and the Left Front’s share will increase, and although they would probably not lose the majority of votes, their margin of victory would decrease. They are apprehensive particularly in the areas where the Left are strong and able to offer some resistance.

MTR: What are the positive developments in this regard?

SKM: The phrase that the bourgeois press loves to repeat — “The Left continues to bleed” – can no longer be made to appear self-evident, because, going by the municipal election results, in terms of popular support, the Left have been able to stop the erosion. Siliguri, but not Siliguri alone, has shown that it is possible to counter the terror and beat the TMC. That is the positive development, and has happened for the first time after four years.

MTR: What about the threat of the BJP’s rise in Bengal?

SKM: That is the other important development, and manifested in the municipal election results. about a year back, there was a campaign that the BJP was emerging as the real alternative to the TMC in the State. We said firmly at the time that there is no alternative to the Left, and that statement has been vindicated by the municipal election results. The threat of the BJP emerging as the alternative to the TMC has been proved beyond doubt to not be the case, as the BJP has suffered a considerable erosion in support. Be it Congress or BJP, the other parties remain behind the Left in terms of vote share — that is the other important fact to have been established.

But when all said and done, the situation is so complicated and difficult that one should not become complacent as a result of the reduction in the BJP’s vote share. One must perceive that communal forces continue to pose a great threat to the unity of people and to secularism, and that that threat should never be underestimated, for communalism cannot be gauged just by vote shares; it has the potential to do severe damage to the state’s secular fabric.

MTR: What do you conclude from these recent developments?

SKM: Our conclusion is that, in spite of its complications, the present situation is one in which there is potential for the Left to forge ahead and grow further. This is evident from the mood of the people, and the successful resistance to attack in the last municipal elections, the attack itself having been launched by the ruling party in connivance with the local administration (with the State Election Commission pleading its helplessness). It is also evident from the fact that resistance is something that has developed almost spontaneously, with women at the forefront of the struggle.

So objective conditions that have developed that are favourable for the Left to project itself as the real alternative in the battle for democracy and for secularism and against the increasing attack on people’s livelihoods. What we consider our most important task is to see that the subjective conditions are focused on organising local and broad-based struggle, uniting the Left and the people, and people and parties associated with the secular and democratic struggle, to build up organisation and not to depend solely on spontaneity. The objective situation occurs independently of individual human will; at the same time, the subjective can be used to take advantage of the situation and overcome the complexities of the objective situation — and that depends on our effort and our will. It is the Left and only the Left only that can provide the alternative in this battle for democracy.

To The Point: Sitaram Yechury's New Role In CPI(M)

Left takes out protest-rally against Land Ordinance | Business Standard News

The CPI(M)-led Left Front today took out a massive rally in the city demanding withdrawal of the "anti-farmer" Land Ordinance and burnt copies of it.

"We demand immediate withdrawal of the Land Ordinance. This is anti-farmer and anti-constitutional. We are protesting against it," Left Front Chairman Biman Basu said while addressing the rally.

"Remove BJP and save the country from communalism and neo-liberalism. Remove TMC and save Bengal from corruption and terrorism," Basu said.

The rally, which witnessed a big turnout, started from Mahajati Sadan in north Kolkata to Rani Rasmoni road in the central part. The rally came as a sort of morale-booster for the Left which suffered a string of electoral reverses recently.

Basu also took a dig at the Trinamool Congress leadership for planning to take out a similar rally against the Land Ordinance tomorrow, pointing out its hypocritical stand on the issue.  "They are fighting here and have a friendship in Delhi; the less we talk about them the better," Basu said.

Left takes out protest-rally against Land Ordinance | Business Standard News

Ambikesh is happy, hopes cops will reform

Our Bureau

Ambikesh Mahapatra Calcutta, March 24: The Jadavpur University professor whose plight made Section 66A a household name in Bengal today declared himself "extremely happy" at the Supreme Court verdict outlawing the provision. Ambikesh Mahapatra had been beaten up and arrested for circulating an Internet joke featuring chief minister Mamata Banerjee in mid-April 2012, becoming perhaps the first victim of the law's misuse to make national news. "I'm extremely happy at the verdict, which will protect freedom of speech and people's democratic and human rights," the chemistry professor said. Mahapatra had received the good news in a text message around 10.45am while taking an MSc class at the Ramakrishna Mission Residential College, Narendrapur, on Calcutta's southern fringes. But he sounded a caution. "Even if Section 66A is scrapped, people will not be able to enjoy their freedom of speech if the police and the government do not change their mindsets," he said. "It's extremely important that the police change their ways." The police had filed a chargesheet against Mahapatra and his septuagenarian neighbour Subrata Sengupta, who was arrested with him, citing Section 66A. Mahapatra demanded that following today's verdict, the Bengal government should accept the state human rights commission's recommendation to compensate him and Sengupta - a recommendation upheld by a Calcutta High Court judge. In August 2012, the rights commission had asked the state to pay the duo Rs 50,000 each for the "harassment" they had faced. It had also recommended departmental proceedings against the two officers of East Jadavpur police station who had arrested them. The state government is said to be considering an appeal to a high court division bench against Justice Dipankar Datta's verdict upholding the rights panel's recommendations. Case status Asked what impact the Supreme Court order might have on the criminal proceedings against Mahapatra, senior advocate Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharyya said the case would become "worthless" because it is based solely on Section 66A. Calcutta police's joint commissioner (crime), Pallab Kanti Ghosh, said: "We are yet to receive the order sheet. Depending on the order sheet, we would do the needful for future cases." He added: "But the fates of cases in which chargesheets have been submitted, and cases that are pending with the courts, would be decided by the courts themselves." Might the apex court order change the state's stand on the rights panel's recommendations? The reaction of a senior home department official suggested this was unlikely. "The scrapping of a penal section and acceptance of the high court's observations are two different issues," the official said. The offence Mahapatra had forwarded an already popular Internet joke to a few members of his housing society. It contained three lines based loosely on dialogues in Satyajit Ray's 1974 film Sonar Kella (The Golden Fortress), which is about a six-year-old boy, Mukul, who appears to remember scenes from his past life in a medieval fort he describes as "Sonar Kella". The first line in the joke, attributed to Mamata, goes: " Dekhte pachchho Mukul, Sonar Kella (Can you see it Mukul, the Golden Fortress)?" The "Mukul" in the joke is the then Trinamul all-India general secretary and Mamata aide Mukul Roy. Mamata seems to be referring to the railway ministry as the Golden Fortress, ostensibly as a way of luring Roy. Mamata had just weeks ago forced party colleague Dinesh Trivedi out of the ministry and replaced him with Roy - the cartoon seems to be alluding to the time of the switch. Second line: " Ota dushtu lok (That's a wicked man)." Attributed to Roy, this seems to refer to Trivedi, who had angered Mamata by raising fares. Third line: " Dushtu lok? Vanish (Wicked man? Vanish)!" The allusion seems to be to Trivedi's removal. Mahapatra was assaulted by Trinamul workers and then arrested past midnight on the basis of a complaint by his assaulters. Arrested with him was Sengupta, secretary of the housing society, whose email account Mahapatra had used to forward the joke. They obtained bail from court almost 18 hours later after spending the night in a police lockup. They were charged under penal code Sections 500 (defamation against President/Vice-President, administrator or minister), 509 (word or gesture intended to insult the modesty of a woman) and 114 (abetment), and Section 66A of the IT Act (offensive posts). The police failed to establish most of the charges and only one remained on the final chargesheet: Section 66A. At the beginning of 2014, the apex court had accepted an application from Mahapatra to become a party to the public interest plea challenging the constitutional validity of Section 66A. 1999 parallel In 1999, then chief minister Jyoti Basu had ordered the arrest of south Calcutta resident Shamik Khemka for setting up a website, with a Bengali expletive as its name, that criticised him and his son and carried adverse comments about Bengalis. The then 25-year-old computer professional was charged under several sections of the penal code, including the non-bailable Section 153A, which deals with "promoting enmity between different groups". Khemka spent about 35 days in jail custody before getting bail. The trauma prompted him and his family to leave Bengal. Today, senior officers could not recall the current status of the case.

Ambikesh is happy, hopes cops will reform

First blow for Writers' restoration

SOUMITRA DAS

ICONIC BUILDING ENTERS DEMOLITION MODE, PHASE BY PHASE Notices are up on various structures of Writers’ Buildings before their demolition begins. Furniture and doors and windows and other fixtures have already been removed from the rooms and hallways. Pictures by Sanjoy Chattopadhyaya The ‘bookbinding building’ between Block III and the Secretariat Library has already been dismantled This block/building will bedemolished The writing - in innocuous point size, but in capital letters - is on the Writers' Buildings wall. As a prelude to its restoration, the dismantling of certain blocks of Writers', which is of 18th century vintage, has begun. Warren Hastings, first governor-general of India, had granted Thomas Lyon, after whom Lyons Range was named, a 16-bigha plot in October 1776 to construct this iconic structure known as "Lalbari" for its red colour. The first structure to go was the small "bookbinding building" in a narrow lane between Block III and the Secretariat Library. Small printed notices have sprung up on the walls of other buildings within the maze of this city within a city. Like the one above in Block E. The process started at the beginning of this month when the public works department (PWD) uploaded a notice on its website inviting "auction sell (sic) on as is and where is basis of Block A, B, E and Block I (Top floor), Block II (Top floor), Main block (top floor, except mansard portion) of Writers' Buildings, Calcutta 700001, including dismantle and disposal of all components of the same by the superintending engineer, PWD, Presidency Circle." There has been no response from the public yet. It was on July 13, 2014, that the Mamata Banerjee government had announced plans to remove the structures constructed after Independence and declutter Writers' Buildings. These "non-heritage" structures known as "sada bari" (they are painted in various shades of cream, unlike the heritage sections which are distinctly red) will be demolished phase-wise. To go in the first phase will be the top floors of Block I and II and the main block facing Laldighi and the entire blocks A, B, and E. In Phase II it is the turn of Block F, the top of Block III, and Block C (complete). Block G (complete), Block D (complete) and the top floors of Block IV and V and the chief government architect (CGA) building. Work has started on the eastern side of Writers'. Jadavpur University (JU) was chosen as consultant for this project and Madhumita Roy, the head of the architecture department at JU, heads the team. Part I of her report dealt with the history of Writers' Buildings, and Part II determined which portions of the structures will be dismantled. This department does not offer specialisation in conservation but it is included as part of urban design among other subjects. Roy is quite clear that formats of conservation formulated in the West cannot be strictly adhered to for funds would not permit that. "We cannot suggest an unrealistic budget. We have to do things our own way, for this would be considered a standard for other such projects too," she said. Consultations have been held with Ausheritage through Intach. According to the Ausheritage website, "Ausheritage is a network of Australian cultural heritage management organisations, established by the Australian Government in 1996. The network aims to facilitate the engagement of practitioners and organisations for the Australian heritage industry in the overseas arena. Its members work internationally on a grant funded, commercial or cooperative basis." Roger Beeston, deputy chairman of Ausheritage, will hold a workshop in Calcutta next month and the detailed project report (DPR) will be prepared after that. Renowned architect Balkrishna Doshi has a word of advice. He told Metro over the phone on Wednesday that it is all right if they use new material for restoration so long as the original form and look are retained. "They have to take one sample, work on it and then show it to an expert before starting on the entire structure. They have to compare it with the older structure. They cannot start working on the front at once. They have to chose a discrete section and if it works they can go ahead," said Doshi. Writers' Buildings, particularly the facade, has undergone many transformations. Ashley Eden, lieutenant governor-general of Bengal from 1877 to 1882, was given the responsibility of shifting the principal offices, housed in two buildings on Sudder Street and Chowringhee, to Writers'. He realised there was not enough space here for all the offices. So initially, three blocks were constructed and two others added, thereafter, between 1879 and 1906. The new blocks could be approached by iron staircases that are still in use. It was during this period that Writers' acquired its familiar look, complete with the portico in the central bay and the red surface of exposed brick. The mansard roofs also belong to this period. The portico above the central entrance is supported by six Corinthian columns. The parapet was put in place and the statues by William Fredric Woodington that line the terrace were installed. However, Writers' was not always red. Commenting on the appearance of the building, Montague Massey wrote in his "recollection" in 1918, "It was formerly, before Government took it over, a plain white stuccoed building utterly devoid of any pretensions to architectural beauty..." The hyper-committee on this project comprising the additional chief secretary, home, principal secretaries of transport, finance, information and culture and PWD held a meeting on January 19. The report was framed by Madhumita Roy and Saroj Mandal of the civil engineering department of JU. It was decided that the non-heritage structures will be demolished. It was also decided that structural safety is of utmost concern and must be taken care of. The foundations of the heritage structures were checked physically for stability by the civil engineering department of JU. The Secretariat Library under the home department will have to be shifted to the ground floor of Block II. Since the proposed alignment of the East West Metro will be close to the eastern side of Writers', the Kolkata Metro Rail Corporation Ltd will be requested to plan the tunnel keeping in mind the safety of the heritage structures. Talks have also been held with Calcutta traffic police taking into consideration the planned Mahakaran (secretariat) Metro railway station and traffic and pedestrian flow from Writers' Buildings.

First blow for Writers' restoration

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1150326/jsp/calcutta/story_10837.jsp#.VRqEPPyUdNs

Crusader who bleeds blue

Crusader who bleeds blue

- hurrah over HC order

Zeeshan Jawed

A Calcuttan was bleeding blue-and-white even as the entire country was bleeding blue on Thursday. Tanweer Khan, who owns a ladies' footwear store on Ripon Street, was anxious about the PIL he had filed in the high court challenging the Calcutta Municipal Corporation's decision to waive off property tax for residents who painted their houses in chief minister Mamata Banerjee's favourite blue-and-white combination. A billion hearts may have been battling the blues after M.S. Dhoni's men bowed out of the World Cup, but Tanweer had reason to be happy on Friday because the division bench of Chief Justice Manjula Chellur asked the state government and the CMC to explain the rationale behind their move to have the entire city painted in blue-and-white. "I was anxious the whole day yesterday. Today, I am happy. I will pursue this issue till the last," said Tanweer who calls himself a "political activist". The 40-year-old, who stays in a rented apartment near St. Mary's School on Ripon Street, had filed the PIL on March 11 because he felt that the ruling party's decision to provide tax relief to residents painting their houses blue-and-white was tantamount to bias. "I saw this decision of the ruling party as an expression of one's allegiance. Suppose my house is not painted blue-and-white and I get into some problem with somebody whose house is in that colour combination. Will the administration be non-partisan? Will they stand by me if I am correct?" he demanded. "The ruling party can't get away with anything and everything. Today, it is telling me which colour to use to paint my house. Tomorrow, it will tell me what to eat or how to lead my life. This is unacceptable," said Tanweer, also secretary of a voluntary organisation that works for underprivileged students. He is contesting the civic elections from ward 61 as an Independent candidate and feels that the poll symbol assigned to him, an apple, is symbolic of greater responsibilities coming his way. "One Apple has changed the way we communicate. This one will change the political system for good," said Tanweer. The idea of moving court occurred to Tanweer when he saw many people questioning the government's move to paint the city in blue-and-white. He thought it was imperative to raise the subject on the appropriate platform rather than just talking about it. Tanweer believes that raising questions isn't enough. Doing it on the right platform is just as important. "I have heard many people questioning the government's move, some even ridiculing it. But that is only among friends or in news conferences. I thought, why not approach the court and take the topic into the larger public domain," he said. Tanweer soon approached a lawyer and has spent around Rs 25,000 so far in pursuing the case. For him, leisure means reading newspapers and following news channels rather than watching movies. "My day is incomplete without reading the newspapers and watching news channels," smiled Tanweer, who idolises former chief minister Jyoti Basu. When this graduate in Urdu from Maulana Azad College is not attending to customers in his footwear shop, he can be found pursuing his mission to seek "justice for the marginalised". He was one of the faces in the protest rallies in the wake of the Park Street rape and, more recently, Ranaghat. Tanweer, who heard about Shreya Singhal and her crusade against 66A of the Information Technology Act only this week, feels the two of them are "comrades in arms". Shreya, a graduate from the University of Bristol in the UK, was the first to petition the Supreme Court against Section 66A, which was struck down on March 24. Section 66A had been the favourite tool of those in power to suppress free speech. "Both of us are fighting for the powerless and voiceless," declared Tanweer, the relentless crusader.

CHALLENGES OF THE RED-FLAG TO THE ENIMIES OF PEOPLE

Lakhs of people with Red Flags has challenged both the BJP-lead Central and TMC-lead State Governments for their anti-people policies, and patronage of fundamental and communal activities. Lakhs of people has assembled at ‘Sahid Minar Maidan’  in Kolkata on December 16, 2014 for ‘Nabanna Avijan’, called by the CPI(M) North 24-Parganas District Committee, in protest againstincrease of fundamental- communal and terrorist activitie, involvement in malpractice- corruption-depravity, and anti-people policies of TMC-lead State Government.

CPI(M) State Secretary Biman Basu, Leader of Opposition Surjyakanta Misha have addressed the gathering. Tarit Baran Topder chaired the assembly. A video-speech of Goutam Deb has shown, as he is ill. In the beginning of the meeting CPI(M) leader Buddhadeb Bhattacharya has meet with the members of the martyrs. Biman Basu, Kshiti Goswami, Swapan Banerjee and other leaders of Left-Front have handed over the chaques to the martyrs’ family members.

Biman Basu has called for organizing huge movement against both TMC and BJP Governments for their anti-democratic activities, incompetency. He has reminded that TMC had used to demand implementation of Article 356, when they were in opposition; but we would not demand. Instead, we will unveil the true picture of the Government that they have failed to fulfill their promise, duties and responsibilities to protect the democracy. They did not bother about the sanctity of the Constitution. TMC-Government has distributed public money to different clubs, indiscriminately; and now they have been called for organizing protest against arrest of Sports Minister MadanMitra, who has been accused by CBI for involving in Sarada money defalcation scamp.  Basu has also accused both the State and Central Government for anti-people policies, gradual increasing price of essential commodities and for protecting the interest of corporates.

Opposition leader Surjyakanta Mishra has sought against involvement of TMC Government in Saradha Chit Fund Scam. He has mentioned that apart from Saradha, there are about 200 other Chit-Fund Companies, who have also looted about 60 thousand cores of rupees of common people. All those who are involved in these mischievous activities should be arrested; their properties, bank accounts etc. should be seized and money to be refunded to the effected people.  He has challenged that people with Red-Flag will organize huge movements in every corners of the State and the country for their legitimate rights.  He has also accused both BJP and TMC for their soft communal activities and their underhand deals and conspiracies.

Goutam Deb has addressed the gathering with the help of audio-visual medium. He has claimed that Mamata Banerjee is a layer; she is totally destroying the state. TMC and BJP are jointly giving impetus to communal and fundamental activities.

After the meeting, about 2 lakhs of people with red-flags have proceeded towards ‘Nabanna’;but as per instruction of the TMC- Govt. police forces have barricaded the rally at Daffrin Road. In fear, Government has requested that instead of Chief Minister, Education Minister ParthaChatterjee will receive the Chatter of Demands from the Left Leaders at BidhanSahba Bhawan. People wanted to proceed towards Nabanna by breaking the police barricades, but CPI(M) leaders convinced the people to seat at the spot; and a team of CPI(M) leaders- Tarit Topder, Rekha Goswami, Ranajit Kundu, Robin Mondel, Md. Salim Gayin, have gone to BidhanSabhaBhawa for submitting the Charter of 19-Demands to Minister Partha Chatterjee. Red-Flags are ready to make all challenges against all odds and anti-people activities of both TMC-lead State and BJP-lead Central Governments for protecting their fundamental and legitimate rights.

Kolkata, 17.12.14

Starvation deaths in West Bengal tea estates on the rise

Pinak Priya Bhattacharya,TNN | Jun 28, 2014, 02.00 AM IST

RAIPUR TEA ESTATE (Jalpaiguri): Starvation deaths are back to haunt the state. At least six deaths have been reported from the closed Raipur tea estate on the outskirts of Jalpaiguri town over the past five days but the Mamata Banerjee government — like the Left Front regime earlier — refuses to acknowledge them.

The garden was locked out in September last year, leaving 645 workers and their families in misery. Many of them are starving, say local sources. The latest victim is Jeet Bahan Munda, 42, who died on Friday. When journalists went to the garden a few hours before his death, Munda looked like a bag of bones. He couldn't even whisper. His ramshackle hut had nothing, save a few empty utensils.

Three of the dead are women — Sarpina Tirkey, 65, Basu Oraon, 50, and Tetri Bara, 35 — and two are newborn babies. One of the infants died at North Bengal Medical College on Thursday. "Her mother was suffering from anaemia," a senior administrative official said — an indicator of malnutrition that plagues the tea garden residents.

Jalpaiguri Sadar SDO Sima Haldar visited Raipur with several officials and denied there were any hunger deaths. "There is no question of malnutrition in the garden," she said.

Jalpaiguri chief health officer Jagannath Sarkar was more guarded, saying that unless they received the "death audit report", they could not make any statement. The Left regime as well had never acknowledged reports of workers dying in closed and abandoned tea estates of the Dooars.

These workers have received heaps of promises from the administration and labour unions but virtually no help.

"Our garden started having problems in 2002 and closed down several times. But this time the problem is more acute as we haven't got our wages in three months. We want the government to find a new owner or take over the garden," said Pratima Baraik, a garden labourer.

She alleged that the foodgrains distributed to them are so rotten that even cattle refuse to eat them. "We are crying for help but received very little. The garden is running out of food and workers are going outside only in an effort to earn money for their families. Pimps are on the prowl and our women are at risk," said another worker.

Earlier the planters used to provide rice and wheat at a subsidized rate of 40 paisa per kg. After the introduction of targeted public distribution system(TPDS), workers had to buy the same at Rs 9 per kg. "But even this is not working now as we are solely dependent on the government supply of food grains," said a worker.

"There is very little drinking water, no electricity, almost no medical assistance, and no food, at all" is how a woman described their living conditions. The management committee that run closed gardens is not able to give workers more than Rs 15-20 a day. Several youths and girls have already left in search of work. The administration does provide them with welfare schemes but it isn't enough, they say. Besides, they cannot avail of the Financial Assistance to Workers of Locked-Out Industries Scheme as the garden reopened twice in 2004 and 2010.

The plantation is in a very bad shape and if water is not sprayed immediately, there will be no new leaves. 

Left has to protect people if police fail, says Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee

TNN | Jun 28, 2014, 02.05 AM IST

Former chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee came out of his self-induced disengagement on Friday and gave a call to the ranks not to take the Trinamool assault lying down.

KOLKATA: Former chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee came out of his self-induced disengagement on Friday and gave a call to the ranks not to take the Trinamool assault lying down.

The murder of an elected CPM member in the Tehatta panchayat office was the immediate turn signal for the CPM politburo member who had otherwise confined himself within the CPM party office at Alimuddin Street.

But this time, Bhattacharjee didn't ferret the dream of bringing about a turnaround. Instead, he wanted the Left to earn the credibility of a responsible Opposition when the BJP is keen on occupying that space, particularly after the saffron surge in Bengal in the Lok Sabha polls. Bhattacharjee also warned against the spurt in RSS activities in the city and the districts.

"People are scared. They are not getting police protection. Police and administration have sided with the ruling party. They (Trinamool) have been continuing with the assault on Left activists and sympathizers with the help of police for the last three years. Thousands of Left supporters have been driven out of home and hearth. Those who remain are not being allowed to pursue their occupation. Who will protect them?" Bhattacharjee said at the concluding day of the three-day Left dharna at Rani Rashmani Avenue against terror and price rise.

Sending out the signal to the grassroots to defy the anarchy, the CPM politburo member explained why the Left have to take to the streets. "A tea stall owner is being asked to wind up his shop if he is a Leftist. A vegetable vendor is being denied access to the market for his political belief. The police and administration have sided with the ruling party. The Left have to provide them with protection when the police have failed in their duty. We are committed to the poor. We can't keep silent," he said.

Pointing to the plight of the workers at Hind Motors and Jessop that have stopped operations, and the uncertainty in jute mills where wages are falling due to dearth of orders, Bhattacharjee held that none but the Left can uphold their cause. Coming down heavily on the ruling Trinamool and BJP for the price rise, Bhattacharjee said: "Rice is selling at Rs 38 a kilo. The Modi government in Delhi has hiked railway fares. The poor feel marginalized. Who is bothered? All these do not affect the glitterati that have entered Parliament as Trinamool MPs. When we had the strength of 60 in Parliament we could prevent the UPA government from taking anti-people policies," Bhattacharjee said.

At the same time, he cautioned the gathering over the BJP's bid to occupy Opposition space in Bengal. "BJP is a rightist party. It began with railway fare hike and is against of subsidy on fuel, transport and food prices. Their leaders want the corporate to run the country and they will run the government. Worse, the RSS is spreading out to villages in the state of Tagore and Nazrul Islam," he said.