To The Point: Sitaram Yechury's New Role In CPI(M)

Left takes out protest-rally against Land Ordinance | Business Standard News

The CPI(M)-led Left Front today took out a massive rally in the city demanding withdrawal of the "anti-farmer" Land Ordinance and burnt copies of it.

"We demand immediate withdrawal of the Land Ordinance. This is anti-farmer and anti-constitutional. We are protesting against it," Left Front Chairman Biman Basu said while addressing the rally.

"Remove BJP and save the country from communalism and neo-liberalism. Remove TMC and save Bengal from corruption and terrorism," Basu said.

The rally, which witnessed a big turnout, started from Mahajati Sadan in north Kolkata to Rani Rasmoni road in the central part. The rally came as a sort of morale-booster for the Left which suffered a string of electoral reverses recently.

Basu also took a dig at the Trinamool Congress leadership for planning to take out a similar rally against the Land Ordinance tomorrow, pointing out its hypocritical stand on the issue.  "They are fighting here and have a friendship in Delhi; the less we talk about them the better," Basu said.

Left takes out protest-rally against Land Ordinance | Business Standard News

Ambikesh is happy, hopes cops will reform

Our Bureau

Ambikesh Mahapatra Calcutta, March 24: The Jadavpur University professor whose plight made Section 66A a household name in Bengal today declared himself "extremely happy" at the Supreme Court verdict outlawing the provision. Ambikesh Mahapatra had been beaten up and arrested for circulating an Internet joke featuring chief minister Mamata Banerjee in mid-April 2012, becoming perhaps the first victim of the law's misuse to make national news. "I'm extremely happy at the verdict, which will protect freedom of speech and people's democratic and human rights," the chemistry professor said. Mahapatra had received the good news in a text message around 10.45am while taking an MSc class at the Ramakrishna Mission Residential College, Narendrapur, on Calcutta's southern fringes. But he sounded a caution. "Even if Section 66A is scrapped, people will not be able to enjoy their freedom of speech if the police and the government do not change their mindsets," he said. "It's extremely important that the police change their ways." The police had filed a chargesheet against Mahapatra and his septuagenarian neighbour Subrata Sengupta, who was arrested with him, citing Section 66A. Mahapatra demanded that following today's verdict, the Bengal government should accept the state human rights commission's recommendation to compensate him and Sengupta - a recommendation upheld by a Calcutta High Court judge. In August 2012, the rights commission had asked the state to pay the duo Rs 50,000 each for the "harassment" they had faced. It had also recommended departmental proceedings against the two officers of East Jadavpur police station who had arrested them. The state government is said to be considering an appeal to a high court division bench against Justice Dipankar Datta's verdict upholding the rights panel's recommendations. Case status Asked what impact the Supreme Court order might have on the criminal proceedings against Mahapatra, senior advocate Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharyya said the case would become "worthless" because it is based solely on Section 66A. Calcutta police's joint commissioner (crime), Pallab Kanti Ghosh, said: "We are yet to receive the order sheet. Depending on the order sheet, we would do the needful for future cases." He added: "But the fates of cases in which chargesheets have been submitted, and cases that are pending with the courts, would be decided by the courts themselves." Might the apex court order change the state's stand on the rights panel's recommendations? The reaction of a senior home department official suggested this was unlikely. "The scrapping of a penal section and acceptance of the high court's observations are two different issues," the official said. The offence Mahapatra had forwarded an already popular Internet joke to a few members of his housing society. It contained three lines based loosely on dialogues in Satyajit Ray's 1974 film Sonar Kella (The Golden Fortress), which is about a six-year-old boy, Mukul, who appears to remember scenes from his past life in a medieval fort he describes as "Sonar Kella". The first line in the joke, attributed to Mamata, goes: " Dekhte pachchho Mukul, Sonar Kella (Can you see it Mukul, the Golden Fortress)?" The "Mukul" in the joke is the then Trinamul all-India general secretary and Mamata aide Mukul Roy. Mamata seems to be referring to the railway ministry as the Golden Fortress, ostensibly as a way of luring Roy. Mamata had just weeks ago forced party colleague Dinesh Trivedi out of the ministry and replaced him with Roy - the cartoon seems to be alluding to the time of the switch. Second line: " Ota dushtu lok (That's a wicked man)." Attributed to Roy, this seems to refer to Trivedi, who had angered Mamata by raising fares. Third line: " Dushtu lok? Vanish (Wicked man? Vanish)!" The allusion seems to be to Trivedi's removal. Mahapatra was assaulted by Trinamul workers and then arrested past midnight on the basis of a complaint by his assaulters. Arrested with him was Sengupta, secretary of the housing society, whose email account Mahapatra had used to forward the joke. They obtained bail from court almost 18 hours later after spending the night in a police lockup. They were charged under penal code Sections 500 (defamation against President/Vice-President, administrator or minister), 509 (word or gesture intended to insult the modesty of a woman) and 114 (abetment), and Section 66A of the IT Act (offensive posts). The police failed to establish most of the charges and only one remained on the final chargesheet: Section 66A. At the beginning of 2014, the apex court had accepted an application from Mahapatra to become a party to the public interest plea challenging the constitutional validity of Section 66A. 1999 parallel In 1999, then chief minister Jyoti Basu had ordered the arrest of south Calcutta resident Shamik Khemka for setting up a website, with a Bengali expletive as its name, that criticised him and his son and carried adverse comments about Bengalis. The then 25-year-old computer professional was charged under several sections of the penal code, including the non-bailable Section 153A, which deals with "promoting enmity between different groups". Khemka spent about 35 days in jail custody before getting bail. The trauma prompted him and his family to leave Bengal. Today, senior officers could not recall the current status of the case.

Ambikesh is happy, hopes cops will reform

First blow for Writers' restoration

SOUMITRA DAS

ICONIC BUILDING ENTERS DEMOLITION MODE, PHASE BY PHASE Notices are up on various structures of Writers’ Buildings before their demolition begins. Furniture and doors and windows and other fixtures have already been removed from the rooms and hallways. Pictures by Sanjoy Chattopadhyaya The ‘bookbinding building’ between Block III and the Secretariat Library has already been dismantled This block/building will bedemolished The writing - in innocuous point size, but in capital letters - is on the Writers' Buildings wall. As a prelude to its restoration, the dismantling of certain blocks of Writers', which is of 18th century vintage, has begun. Warren Hastings, first governor-general of India, had granted Thomas Lyon, after whom Lyons Range was named, a 16-bigha plot in October 1776 to construct this iconic structure known as "Lalbari" for its red colour. The first structure to go was the small "bookbinding building" in a narrow lane between Block III and the Secretariat Library. Small printed notices have sprung up on the walls of other buildings within the maze of this city within a city. Like the one above in Block E. The process started at the beginning of this month when the public works department (PWD) uploaded a notice on its website inviting "auction sell (sic) on as is and where is basis of Block A, B, E and Block I (Top floor), Block II (Top floor), Main block (top floor, except mansard portion) of Writers' Buildings, Calcutta 700001, including dismantle and disposal of all components of the same by the superintending engineer, PWD, Presidency Circle." There has been no response from the public yet. It was on July 13, 2014, that the Mamata Banerjee government had announced plans to remove the structures constructed after Independence and declutter Writers' Buildings. These "non-heritage" structures known as "sada bari" (they are painted in various shades of cream, unlike the heritage sections which are distinctly red) will be demolished phase-wise. To go in the first phase will be the top floors of Block I and II and the main block facing Laldighi and the entire blocks A, B, and E. In Phase II it is the turn of Block F, the top of Block III, and Block C (complete). Block G (complete), Block D (complete) and the top floors of Block IV and V and the chief government architect (CGA) building. Work has started on the eastern side of Writers'. Jadavpur University (JU) was chosen as consultant for this project and Madhumita Roy, the head of the architecture department at JU, heads the team. Part I of her report dealt with the history of Writers' Buildings, and Part II determined which portions of the structures will be dismantled. This department does not offer specialisation in conservation but it is included as part of urban design among other subjects. Roy is quite clear that formats of conservation formulated in the West cannot be strictly adhered to for funds would not permit that. "We cannot suggest an unrealistic budget. We have to do things our own way, for this would be considered a standard for other such projects too," she said. Consultations have been held with Ausheritage through Intach. According to the Ausheritage website, "Ausheritage is a network of Australian cultural heritage management organisations, established by the Australian Government in 1996. The network aims to facilitate the engagement of practitioners and organisations for the Australian heritage industry in the overseas arena. Its members work internationally on a grant funded, commercial or cooperative basis." Roger Beeston, deputy chairman of Ausheritage, will hold a workshop in Calcutta next month and the detailed project report (DPR) will be prepared after that. Renowned architect Balkrishna Doshi has a word of advice. He told Metro over the phone on Wednesday that it is all right if they use new material for restoration so long as the original form and look are retained. "They have to take one sample, work on it and then show it to an expert before starting on the entire structure. They have to compare it with the older structure. They cannot start working on the front at once. They have to chose a discrete section and if it works they can go ahead," said Doshi. Writers' Buildings, particularly the facade, has undergone many transformations. Ashley Eden, lieutenant governor-general of Bengal from 1877 to 1882, was given the responsibility of shifting the principal offices, housed in two buildings on Sudder Street and Chowringhee, to Writers'. He realised there was not enough space here for all the offices. So initially, three blocks were constructed and two others added, thereafter, between 1879 and 1906. The new blocks could be approached by iron staircases that are still in use. It was during this period that Writers' acquired its familiar look, complete with the portico in the central bay and the red surface of exposed brick. The mansard roofs also belong to this period. The portico above the central entrance is supported by six Corinthian columns. The parapet was put in place and the statues by William Fredric Woodington that line the terrace were installed. However, Writers' was not always red. Commenting on the appearance of the building, Montague Massey wrote in his "recollection" in 1918, "It was formerly, before Government took it over, a plain white stuccoed building utterly devoid of any pretensions to architectural beauty..." The hyper-committee on this project comprising the additional chief secretary, home, principal secretaries of transport, finance, information and culture and PWD held a meeting on January 19. The report was framed by Madhumita Roy and Saroj Mandal of the civil engineering department of JU. It was decided that the non-heritage structures will be demolished. It was also decided that structural safety is of utmost concern and must be taken care of. The foundations of the heritage structures were checked physically for stability by the civil engineering department of JU. The Secretariat Library under the home department will have to be shifted to the ground floor of Block II. Since the proposed alignment of the East West Metro will be close to the eastern side of Writers', the Kolkata Metro Rail Corporation Ltd will be requested to plan the tunnel keeping in mind the safety of the heritage structures. Talks have also been held with Calcutta traffic police taking into consideration the planned Mahakaran (secretariat) Metro railway station and traffic and pedestrian flow from Writers' Buildings.

First blow for Writers' restoration

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1150326/jsp/calcutta/story_10837.jsp#.VRqEPPyUdNs

Crusader who bleeds blue

Crusader who bleeds blue

- hurrah over HC order

Zeeshan Jawed

A Calcuttan was bleeding blue-and-white even as the entire country was bleeding blue on Thursday. Tanweer Khan, who owns a ladies' footwear store on Ripon Street, was anxious about the PIL he had filed in the high court challenging the Calcutta Municipal Corporation's decision to waive off property tax for residents who painted their houses in chief minister Mamata Banerjee's favourite blue-and-white combination. A billion hearts may have been battling the blues after M.S. Dhoni's men bowed out of the World Cup, but Tanweer had reason to be happy on Friday because the division bench of Chief Justice Manjula Chellur asked the state government and the CMC to explain the rationale behind their move to have the entire city painted in blue-and-white. "I was anxious the whole day yesterday. Today, I am happy. I will pursue this issue till the last," said Tanweer who calls himself a "political activist". The 40-year-old, who stays in a rented apartment near St. Mary's School on Ripon Street, had filed the PIL on March 11 because he felt that the ruling party's decision to provide tax relief to residents painting their houses blue-and-white was tantamount to bias. "I saw this decision of the ruling party as an expression of one's allegiance. Suppose my house is not painted blue-and-white and I get into some problem with somebody whose house is in that colour combination. Will the administration be non-partisan? Will they stand by me if I am correct?" he demanded. "The ruling party can't get away with anything and everything. Today, it is telling me which colour to use to paint my house. Tomorrow, it will tell me what to eat or how to lead my life. This is unacceptable," said Tanweer, also secretary of a voluntary organisation that works for underprivileged students. He is contesting the civic elections from ward 61 as an Independent candidate and feels that the poll symbol assigned to him, an apple, is symbolic of greater responsibilities coming his way. "One Apple has changed the way we communicate. This one will change the political system for good," said Tanweer. The idea of moving court occurred to Tanweer when he saw many people questioning the government's move to paint the city in blue-and-white. He thought it was imperative to raise the subject on the appropriate platform rather than just talking about it. Tanweer believes that raising questions isn't enough. Doing it on the right platform is just as important. "I have heard many people questioning the government's move, some even ridiculing it. But that is only among friends or in news conferences. I thought, why not approach the court and take the topic into the larger public domain," he said. Tanweer soon approached a lawyer and has spent around Rs 25,000 so far in pursuing the case. For him, leisure means reading newspapers and following news channels rather than watching movies. "My day is incomplete without reading the newspapers and watching news channels," smiled Tanweer, who idolises former chief minister Jyoti Basu. When this graduate in Urdu from Maulana Azad College is not attending to customers in his footwear shop, he can be found pursuing his mission to seek "justice for the marginalised". He was one of the faces in the protest rallies in the wake of the Park Street rape and, more recently, Ranaghat. Tanweer, who heard about Shreya Singhal and her crusade against 66A of the Information Technology Act only this week, feels the two of them are "comrades in arms". Shreya, a graduate from the University of Bristol in the UK, was the first to petition the Supreme Court against Section 66A, which was struck down on March 24. Section 66A had been the favourite tool of those in power to suppress free speech. "Both of us are fighting for the powerless and voiceless," declared Tanweer, the relentless crusader.

CHALLENGES OF THE RED-FLAG TO THE ENIMIES OF PEOPLE

Lakhs of people with Red Flags has challenged both the BJP-lead Central and TMC-lead State Governments for their anti-people policies, and patronage of fundamental and communal activities. Lakhs of people has assembled at ‘Sahid Minar Maidan’  in Kolkata on December 16, 2014 for ‘Nabanna Avijan’, called by the CPI(M) North 24-Parganas District Committee, in protest againstincrease of fundamental- communal and terrorist activitie, involvement in malpractice- corruption-depravity, and anti-people policies of TMC-lead State Government.

CPI(M) State Secretary Biman Basu, Leader of Opposition Surjyakanta Misha have addressed the gathering. Tarit Baran Topder chaired the assembly. A video-speech of Goutam Deb has shown, as he is ill. In the beginning of the meeting CPI(M) leader Buddhadeb Bhattacharya has meet with the members of the martyrs. Biman Basu, Kshiti Goswami, Swapan Banerjee and other leaders of Left-Front have handed over the chaques to the martyrs’ family members.

Biman Basu has called for organizing huge movement against both TMC and BJP Governments for their anti-democratic activities, incompetency. He has reminded that TMC had used to demand implementation of Article 356, when they were in opposition; but we would not demand. Instead, we will unveil the true picture of the Government that they have failed to fulfill their promise, duties and responsibilities to protect the democracy. They did not bother about the sanctity of the Constitution. TMC-Government has distributed public money to different clubs, indiscriminately; and now they have been called for organizing protest against arrest of Sports Minister MadanMitra, who has been accused by CBI for involving in Sarada money defalcation scamp.  Basu has also accused both the State and Central Government for anti-people policies, gradual increasing price of essential commodities and for protecting the interest of corporates.

Opposition leader Surjyakanta Mishra has sought against involvement of TMC Government in Saradha Chit Fund Scam. He has mentioned that apart from Saradha, there are about 200 other Chit-Fund Companies, who have also looted about 60 thousand cores of rupees of common people. All those who are involved in these mischievous activities should be arrested; their properties, bank accounts etc. should be seized and money to be refunded to the effected people.  He has challenged that people with Red-Flag will organize huge movements in every corners of the State and the country for their legitimate rights.  He has also accused both BJP and TMC for their soft communal activities and their underhand deals and conspiracies.

Goutam Deb has addressed the gathering with the help of audio-visual medium. He has claimed that Mamata Banerjee is a layer; she is totally destroying the state. TMC and BJP are jointly giving impetus to communal and fundamental activities.

After the meeting, about 2 lakhs of people with red-flags have proceeded towards ‘Nabanna’;but as per instruction of the TMC- Govt. police forces have barricaded the rally at Daffrin Road. In fear, Government has requested that instead of Chief Minister, Education Minister ParthaChatterjee will receive the Chatter of Demands from the Left Leaders at BidhanSahba Bhawan. People wanted to proceed towards Nabanna by breaking the police barricades, but CPI(M) leaders convinced the people to seat at the spot; and a team of CPI(M) leaders- Tarit Topder, Rekha Goswami, Ranajit Kundu, Robin Mondel, Md. Salim Gayin, have gone to BidhanSabhaBhawa for submitting the Charter of 19-Demands to Minister Partha Chatterjee. Red-Flags are ready to make all challenges against all odds and anti-people activities of both TMC-lead State and BJP-lead Central Governments for protecting their fundamental and legitimate rights.

Kolkata, 17.12.14

Starvation deaths in West Bengal tea estates on the rise

Pinak Priya Bhattacharya,TNN | Jun 28, 2014, 02.00 AM IST

RAIPUR TEA ESTATE (Jalpaiguri): Starvation deaths are back to haunt the state. At least six deaths have been reported from the closed Raipur tea estate on the outskirts of Jalpaiguri town over the past five days but the Mamata Banerjee government — like the Left Front regime earlier — refuses to acknowledge them.

The garden was locked out in September last year, leaving 645 workers and their families in misery. Many of them are starving, say local sources. The latest victim is Jeet Bahan Munda, 42, who died on Friday. When journalists went to the garden a few hours before his death, Munda looked like a bag of bones. He couldn't even whisper. His ramshackle hut had nothing, save a few empty utensils.

Three of the dead are women — Sarpina Tirkey, 65, Basu Oraon, 50, and Tetri Bara, 35 — and two are newborn babies. One of the infants died at North Bengal Medical College on Thursday. "Her mother was suffering from anaemia," a senior administrative official said — an indicator of malnutrition that plagues the tea garden residents.

Jalpaiguri Sadar SDO Sima Haldar visited Raipur with several officials and denied there were any hunger deaths. "There is no question of malnutrition in the garden," she said.

Jalpaiguri chief health officer Jagannath Sarkar was more guarded, saying that unless they received the "death audit report", they could not make any statement. The Left regime as well had never acknowledged reports of workers dying in closed and abandoned tea estates of the Dooars.

These workers have received heaps of promises from the administration and labour unions but virtually no help.

"Our garden started having problems in 2002 and closed down several times. But this time the problem is more acute as we haven't got our wages in three months. We want the government to find a new owner or take over the garden," said Pratima Baraik, a garden labourer.

She alleged that the foodgrains distributed to them are so rotten that even cattle refuse to eat them. "We are crying for help but received very little. The garden is running out of food and workers are going outside only in an effort to earn money for their families. Pimps are on the prowl and our women are at risk," said another worker.

Earlier the planters used to provide rice and wheat at a subsidized rate of 40 paisa per kg. After the introduction of targeted public distribution system(TPDS), workers had to buy the same at Rs 9 per kg. "But even this is not working now as we are solely dependent on the government supply of food grains," said a worker.

"There is very little drinking water, no electricity, almost no medical assistance, and no food, at all" is how a woman described their living conditions. The management committee that run closed gardens is not able to give workers more than Rs 15-20 a day. Several youths and girls have already left in search of work. The administration does provide them with welfare schemes but it isn't enough, they say. Besides, they cannot avail of the Financial Assistance to Workers of Locked-Out Industries Scheme as the garden reopened twice in 2004 and 2010.

The plantation is in a very bad shape and if water is not sprayed immediately, there will be no new leaves. 

Left has to protect people if police fail, says Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee

TNN | Jun 28, 2014, 02.05 AM IST

Former chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee came out of his self-induced disengagement on Friday and gave a call to the ranks not to take the Trinamool assault lying down.

KOLKATA: Former chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee came out of his self-induced disengagement on Friday and gave a call to the ranks not to take the Trinamool assault lying down.

The murder of an elected CPM member in the Tehatta panchayat office was the immediate turn signal for the CPM politburo member who had otherwise confined himself within the CPM party office at Alimuddin Street.

But this time, Bhattacharjee didn't ferret the dream of bringing about a turnaround. Instead, he wanted the Left to earn the credibility of a responsible Opposition when the BJP is keen on occupying that space, particularly after the saffron surge in Bengal in the Lok Sabha polls. Bhattacharjee also warned against the spurt in RSS activities in the city and the districts.

"People are scared. They are not getting police protection. Police and administration have sided with the ruling party. They (Trinamool) have been continuing with the assault on Left activists and sympathizers with the help of police for the last three years. Thousands of Left supporters have been driven out of home and hearth. Those who remain are not being allowed to pursue their occupation. Who will protect them?" Bhattacharjee said at the concluding day of the three-day Left dharna at Rani Rashmani Avenue against terror and price rise.

Sending out the signal to the grassroots to defy the anarchy, the CPM politburo member explained why the Left have to take to the streets. "A tea stall owner is being asked to wind up his shop if he is a Leftist. A vegetable vendor is being denied access to the market for his political belief. The police and administration have sided with the ruling party. The Left have to provide them with protection when the police have failed in their duty. We are committed to the poor. We can't keep silent," he said.

Pointing to the plight of the workers at Hind Motors and Jessop that have stopped operations, and the uncertainty in jute mills where wages are falling due to dearth of orders, Bhattacharjee held that none but the Left can uphold their cause. Coming down heavily on the ruling Trinamool and BJP for the price rise, Bhattacharjee said: "Rice is selling at Rs 38 a kilo. The Modi government in Delhi has hiked railway fares. The poor feel marginalized. Who is bothered? All these do not affect the glitterati that have entered Parliament as Trinamool MPs. When we had the strength of 60 in Parliament we could prevent the UPA government from taking anti-people policies," Bhattacharjee said.

At the same time, he cautioned the gathering over the BJP's bid to occupy Opposition space in Bengal. "BJP is a rightist party. It began with railway fare hike and is against of subsidy on fuel, transport and food prices. Their leaders want the corporate to run the country and they will run the government. Worse, the RSS is spreading out to villages in the state of Tagore and Nazrul Islam," he said.

Left Front in 72 Hour Sit-in Demonstration

Left Front’s 72 hour sit-in demonstration started on Wednesday afternoon in Kolkata protesting against the ruthless attack on democratic rights in the state. Thousands of people gathered braving rains. The sit-in continued uninterrupted through the night with leaders of Left Front including Biman Basu staying in the road.

The state has witnessed unabated political terror against opposition activists and supporters. 157 activists of the Left Front have been murdered under the TMC regime. Thousands have been rendered homeless, their houses destroyed in many cases. More than 5 thousand Left activists are facing false cases. But the attack has not spared others, spreading in educational institutions, workplaces and localities where anti-social elements are the real rulers now. As part of the wider mobilization to resist this onslaught on the people Left Front has decided to stage this sit-in at the heart of state capital. It was on 25th June, 1975 that the internal emergency was declared and massive attack on democracy was launched throughout the country.

The families of the martyrs were present in the sit-in. Some of them narrated their horrible experiences in the gathering.

Inaugurating the programme, Biman Basu detailed the nature of terror in the state and said that Left Front met the Chief Minister to ask her to take measures to maintain law and order. But there was no sign of serious action on behalf of the state administration. Basu also mentioned about the attacks on livelihood of the people and said the new government at the centre has also started launching fresh attack on the common people.

Leader of the Opposition in the state assembly Surjyakanta Mishra said the time to resist the anarchy has arrived. Along with that the unity of the people has to defended, secularism has to be guarded. Wherever there will be attacks on people, the Left will reach and stay on the roads.

RSP leader Kshiti Goswami, CPI leader Swapan Banerjee, Forward Block leader Jayanta Roy also addressed the protesters.

Left Front leaders including Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee were present in the sit in. People from districts will participate in the demonstration and it will conclude through a rally which will be addressed by Left leaders. 

Emergency and today’s West Bengal

By Biman Basu

Thirty nine years back in the midnight of 25^th June in 1975 internal emergency was imposed on our country. This declaration of internal emergency was totally uncalled for because there was no invasion of foreign enemies, nor there was such situation which could not be solved through constitutionally approved democratic system.

The look back through pages of history will reveal that the livelihood of the common people became tough from the early seventies. The economic development became stagnant and the Government could not find it possible to create employment for the lakhs of aspirant youth. The gap between rich and poor was on the rise. ‘Garibi hatao’ (elimination of poverty) was the slogan of Mrs. Indira Gandhi during the 5^th Lok Sabha elections in 1971 and she promised development, increase in employment and price control of the essential commodities. Congress won 352 seats out of total 518 in that election to get clear majority. Mrs. Gandhi travelled entire country in the election campaign to win the confidence of the people and to create record for her party. But people became disillusioned within only three to four years. This loss of people’s confidence brought out the autocratic nature of Mrs. Gandhi. Like other dictatorial rulers she imposed emergency without considering democratic practices just to establish absolute control of power. The arrest of the opposition political leaders started from the midnight of 25^th June in 1975 but no minister of the Central cabinet utter single word on that. Gradually more than one lakh opposition political leaders and activists were sent behind the bars.

In a democratic country like India it was not at all necessary to arrest the opposition political leaders to teach them a lesson. Recalling of the speech of veteran CPI (M) leader A.K. Gopalan which he delivered in the Lok Sabha on 21^st July of 1975 will reflect the situation very well. He said – ''I am speaking in an unnatural and severe situation when 34 members of Parliament are not here. They are not absent because they wanted to but they are not here because they are behind the bars without trial. Mrs. Gandhi and her party have made the house a matter of farce and contempt. I too was in the jail and got release only a week back. Jyotirmoy Basu is known to you all. Nurul Huda is another member of our party. I am an old man and cannot shout much. I have been released but those two still are in jail. The motive is very clear. I am not scared of jail because I was behind the bars for 17 years of last 45 years. But I cannot forget the inhuman treatment on me for two days. I had to declare hunger strike. Finally I send telegram to the Speaker of the Lok Sabha and that might have changed the situation … 

''The internal emergency was imposed not due to any external threat but the real causes were ruling of the Allahabad high court, verdict against Congress in the Gujarat Assembly elections, Indira Gandhi’s denial of stepping down from the Prime Ministership before the final ruling of the Supreme Court and mass discontent against Congress Government. The mass discontent took shape because of deep crisis of Indian economy and adoption of Capitalist mode of development which made the rich richer and the poor became poorer...

''The imposition of emergency clearly showed that the Government initiated anti-people measures. All the democratic practices were abolished. Fundamental rights conferred through the Indian Constitution became paralyzed. Constitutional provisions given through article 14 and 22 were kept on halt. Bills were moved for further curtailment of Constitutional rights. All the power was centralized by the Prime Ministers without even taking into account the Constitutional provisions.  Amendment of the Constitution became frequent affair. And the same status of every citizen in front of law also became not mandatory. Government administration started all sorts of discrimination. The administration did not find necessary to produce several of the arrested persons to the court, they suppressed whom they actually have arrested and where they have kept them..."

The BJP Government under the leadership of Narendra Modi has been formed in the center with clear majority due to illusion among several poor people especially the young generation.  RSS is the life blood of BJP and that fanatic Hindu fundamentalist force is playing the key role in Modi’s Government. They have come to power by promising good days but we have to wait to see how they react to people’s wrath after failing to minimize the discontent among common people and failure to create scopes for employment. The communal threat has been increased in the country with their entry in the helm of affairs. We have to be cautious enough so that they cannot divert people’s attention after failing to bring any paradigmatic shift. We should also not forget that it was none other than Trinamool Congress who brought them in West Bengal.

Since the Assembly elections in West Bengal attacks have been unleashed on the leaders and activists of the democratic movements by the police administration and hoodlums backed by the ruling party to prohibit movements based on people’s demands. False and fabricated cases are being initiated against the leaders and activists of the democratic movements. Arrest warrants are being issued against them who could not be arrested. Attacks on the houses of Left Front activists, looting, arson, terrorization and attacks on livelihood have been taking place extensively. Cattle, poultry, fishes in ponds, agricultural produce and seeds also have been looted. About 27300 farmers, agricultural laborers and share croppers have been ejected and deprived of their right of land. Near about 50000 persons have been evicted from their own houses. 157 Left leaders, activists and supporters have lost their lives in attacks by hoodlums nakedly backed by the ruling party. Thousands of Left activists have been forced to live with injury. All these have been happening in a state where emergency has not been imposed but still the ruling party is trying to trample the voice of the opposition. But it is impossible to terrorize the people for a long time. Movements have to be launched by all of us for resurrection of democracy and democratic right in the state and for that close connection with common people has to be reinforced by taking lessons from history. We must overcome this suffocating atmosphere of terror with confident note of people’s movement. We don’t have any other alternative.

Communists and Leftists never surrender. The hoodlums of the ruling party will try to sustain terror-driven atmosphere but isolate them from people and reduce their strength is not at all impossible. The united strength of working class and all other poor sections of the society is quite capable of dislodging them. The call of the hour is to mark protest against all single attacks in every localities and launch movements. Communists and Leftists may take attack or lose lives but ultimately victory awaits them. We shall not forget that the devils could never make history; in the contrary it is always made by the invincible people.   

Nandigram Myths Decoded: CBI Calls the Bluff

By Nilotpal Basu

HISTORY is cruel; in its own way, it squares up the truth. Seven years back, a rural tract in West Bengal – Nandigram – shot to prominence.  It resonated across the country. The cyber world took it beyond the national boundary and drew international attention. Political observers attributed electoral nemesis of the three decade electoral sway of the Left to the developments in Nandigram.  Nandigram was seen as the ‘diabolical’ anti-peasant face of the Left in Bengal. And overall, it contributed to undermine the credibility of the Indian Left.

What was the background of the unfortunate developments that unfolded in Nandigram in the early days of 2007?  The government of West Bengal in its attempt to industrialize the state had zeroed in on the Petroleum Investment Region scheme mooted by the central government; taking advantage of incentives of the scheme to facilitate the petroleum investment hub where Nandigram would be the core. The requirement for the scheme was a large amount of land.  The locational advantage of Nandigram was its proximity to port city Haldia and existing oil refinery and petro-chemical complex. These existing facilities provided important infrastructure to locate the petroleum investment zone. That agricultural land in Nandigram suffered from salinity, forcing people to migrate for work was another factor which weighed in favour of developing industrial activities in the region.

However, the decision of Left Front government did not find major support from the people. A major factor which affected the mood of the people was the lack of communication. The comprehensive consultative exercise which ought to have helped galvanise popular opinion for industrial activity failed to fructify. And this communication deficit was compounded by a tendentious propaganda blitz by the opposition. A rainbow coalition emerged to oppose acquisition of land for the project.

Taking advantage of the uncertainty that emerged, the broad platform virtually took physical control over the proposed project land. The platform took to violence; digging up roads and blowing up bridges, the entire area went out of the writ of the state government. The law and order situation became captive to these forces. Several killings ensured that discourse on the industrialization agenda could not reach the people. Discussion and debate towards any informed conclusion was the casualty.  

CATCH-22 SITUATION

It was a catch-22 situation for the state government. Given the broad opposition to the project and the related issue of land acquisition, it became clear that without concurrence of people, it was impossible to go ahead with the project; notwithstanding its importance in the overall context of the industrialization agenda. Thus, between January and March 2007, atmosphere of uncertainty and anarchy prevailed in the area.  In February itself, the state government and the chief minister announced that there will be no land acquisition against wishes of the people.  But despite that, the opposition was unrelenting and carried on their violent and lawless ways making the area incommunicado to the state government. The state government was found helpless in ensuring the right of the entrapped citizens. 

And, this was the backdrop of 14th March 2007. A police party which entered the area to restore communication to re-establish rule of law was confronted with. The consequent unfortunate police firing and related incidents resulted in the loss of 14 persons; widespread condemnation against ‘forcible acquisition’ followed.

Nandigram became the symbol around which opposition to the Left government galvanized.  From Maoists on the Left to communal forces of all hues on the Right combined. With TMC spearheading the opposition, its supremo and present chief minister Mamata Banerjee shot into national fame. She became the icon of the anti-Left forces not only nationally but also internationally. Those who were pathologically opposed to the Left catapulted her to lead against hitherto electorally invincible Left; so much so, that she featured on the cover of Time magazine.

Ironically, the Left in India, which had been in the forefront of the struggle for agrarian reforms and land redistribution, was shown as having betrayed that legacy. The overall neo-liberal policy environment featuring large-scale takeover of agricultural land by corporate sharks came to be equated with what happened in Nandigram on the 14th of March. 

Of course, there have been several reasons which led to the setback of the Left in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections and assembly elections in 2011; but Nandigram was widely seen as the trigger which set out the course for undermining the credibility of the Left. 

Much as they attempted to explain their approach, the Left failed in getting its message across. Even before the Left Front government could order any independent probe into the firing on 14th March, the Kolkata High Court, at the insistence of the opposition, ordered a CBI probe.

LF GOVT VINDICATED

Finally, the propaganda blitz that led to institution of CBI probe has come full circle. On 18th December 2013, the CBI, after almost seven years of investigation, filed a chargesheet before the court.  The findings could not be any greater indictment of the then opposition led by TMC and its mercurial leader Mamata Banerjee. The CBI findings completely vindicate what the Left government had contended at that point of time.

The CBI chargesheet reveals – “Investigation has disclosed that efforts were made by the district administration and the police officers to normalize the situation in Nandigram. Many meetings were organized between the administration, leaders of the opposition parties and BUPC”; Bhumi Uchhhed Pratirodh Committee (BUPC) being the umbrella organisation spearheaded by the TMC which led the agitation in Nandigram. But, the CBI has now opined that –“However, there was no visible improvement in the law and order situation which remained out of control for the District Civil and Police administration”.

Detailing about how bad the situation was between January and March, 2007, the chargesheet states -“During this period at least 56 FIRs were registered at Nandigram and Khejuri police stations relating to violence, arson, loot and murder etc. The period also witnessed death of 11 persons and injuries to at least 25 persons due to these clashes. A police Sub Inspector namely Sadhu Charan Chatterjee was kidnapped and killed by the mob, police jeeps were burnt and police weapons were looted. The cases registered could not be investigated by the local police as the local police were unable to enter into the villages during this period”.

The chargesheet comprehensively calls the bluff that the police entry was ‘clandestine’. The chargesheet categorically states that - “On 12.03.2007, the state home secretary briefed the press, in which he informed them about the proposed police action in Nandigram”. Subsequently, “it was decided that the police operation would be conducted on 14.03.2007 at three places in Nandigram”.

The firing was ‘after all attempts to disperse the crowd’ who blocked the police entry through requests over PA system, lathicharge, firing of tear gas and firing in the air ‘failed’.

The chargesheet also nails down the claim that there were hundreds of people killed, with gory charges of children and women being torn apart and their bodies smuggled out. The chargesheet categorically points out that ‘opposition consciously spread rumours’ and ‘organised armed men’ to take on police which led to the unfortunate firing.  As if to add salt to injury, the CBI rejected the plea of the TMC that the political leadership of the Left was responsible.  In fact, despite these findings, the current state government and the chief minister has refused to allow CBI to proceed against police and civil officials whom they found to violate some procedures, insisting that Left leadership must be investigated.

The CBI is no ‘holy cow’. Neither has it done anything spectacular to erase the impression that it is not insulated from political interference having earned the description of ‘caged parrot’.  But, TMC and Ms Banerjee have forgotten that for almost six and a half years during which the CBI was carrying out its investigation, it was they who were in company with the ruling Congress – both in the state and the centre.  The state government had every opportunity to inform CBI towards an ‘informed conclusion’ in course of last almost three years; not to forget that this CBI investigation on firing in Nandigram was essentially at their own behest. 

Therefore, it is an irony that truth has finally come through the CBI chargesheet. Those who had chronicled contemporary events during that period will hopefully revisit conclusions that they had drawn on Nandigram – and, more importantly, on the Left and its intentions.

WEST BENGAL LEFT FRONT’S Month long Massive Campaign

Kolkata: THE CPI(M) and Left Front unleashed a massive campaign on peoples’ issues for more than a month in West Bengal. Left Front called for the campaign from 3rd January to 3rd February, which got a huge response from the people. The campaign focused on the restoration of democracy, immediate halt to atrocities against women, against price rise, fair prices for peasants, defending the rights of the workers, punishment of the chit fund fraudsters, against anarchy in educational institutions. The campaign also stressed on the consequences of anti-people policies of the centre and the threats of communal and disruptive forces.

At one level, the campaign was organized in intensive manner, reaching to people through door to door contact. Block and district level joint conventions of the mass organizations were organized. At the other level, mass mobilizations took place either at district or local-zonal level.

Last one month witnessed massive rallies in districts, breaking barriers of terror and intimidation by ruling party, signifying an assertion by the people. The huge gathering on 8th January in Kolkata by CPI(M) North 24 Parganas district committee  helped to build up confidence of the Left workers throughout the state. A huge rally in Coochbehar was addressed among others by Manik Sarkar, the chief minister of Tripura. In Burdwan district, massive gatherings took place in terror-stricken areas of Memari, Raina, Ketugram, followed by one of the biggest gatherings in recent memory in industrial town of Durgapur. In Raina, no buses or vehicles were allowed to carry CPI(M) supporters but the people defied it with huge processions, walking into the meeting ground carrying red flags. In Ketugram, where many CPI(M) activists were murdered, the first meeting of CPI(M) took place in 32 months. In Durgapur, workers from the steel, metal industries and coal mines flooded the rally ground. In Medinipur town, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee addressed a mammoth gathering , attended by thousands from severely terror-stricken areas of Jangalmahal and other areas of West Medinipur district. Baharampur town of Murshidabad witnessed a rally of unprecedented participation. Surjyakanta Misra addressed the rally.

South 24 Parganas district organized 30 public meetings throughout the district. The last two meetings were addressed by Sitaram Yechury in Diamond Harbour and Jadavpur.

Apart from that, the state witnessed continuous protest actions against the atrocities on women, with road blocks and demonstrations. Sutdents and youth hit the streets protesting large scale corruption in primary teachers’ selection examination. In Kolkata, on 22nd January, two separate processions marched towards downtown and blocked Esplanade.

This one-month campaign ascended to its peak with the call of Brigade Rally, scheduled on 9th February. Hundreds of meetings took place in every corner of the state, in front of factories, in tea gardens, in rural marketplaces, in busy streets of towns. In almost all districts, Left activists went door to door with pamphlets, appeals.